Why We Protest

As Western Europe flexes itself for a winter of protests against NATO’s Ukrainian campaign, the science and mechanics of protests both warrant examination to gauge the abyss that lies ahead.

As Western Europe flexes itself for a winter of protests against NATO’s Ukrainian campaign, the science and mechanics of protests both warrant examination to gauge the abyss that lies ahead.

One of the more satisfying protests I recently attended was against the Irish regime’s attempts to mass vaccinate Irish school children and to make them mask up in schools. Irish mothers and their children descended on Government buildings in their thousands and a friend of mine, more knowledgeable on such matters, told me the government would quickly fold on the issue. By the following day, the regime, faced with the wrath of hornets’ nests of angry mothers, had reversed its decision and Irish school children were free to breathe again. What was very noticeable about the children protesting was their good behaviour, with many of them bedecked in Harry Potter scarves, and others paying attention to the largely boring speakers and all of them picking up their litter after them.

Though it was a privilege to see those children face down the regime, the same cannot be said for the group of thugs, who tried to riot afterwards and whose sartorial choices showed they were not from the same demographic catchment area as most of the protesters, who only had the best interests of their children at heart.

But these parasites pop up wherever there is momentum. When the Yellow Vests got going in France, Irish copycats set up their own versions, with one of them being based in Sinn Féin’s head office and being fronted by a former Irish Military Intelligence officer. When Ireland witnessed a major campaign to resist water rates, the same charlatans, who had already paid their water rates, moved in to hijack the campaign for their own selfish ends.

When Ireland witnessed massive protests against punitive tax rates in 1979, the Irish Congress of Trade Unions (ICTU) moved in, switched the protests to Sunday mornings and wound them down. As the ICTU are now leading Ireland’s protests against high energy prices, we can again expect those protests to go where they are intended to go, absolutely nowhere.

Though the lesson from all of the above is there must be a genuine issue to protest about and charlatans must be excluded, the charlatans have the logistics to cause a rumpus and the ordinary people do not. And, even if the genuine protesters start something, the charlatans, who MI5 and Irish Military Intelligence assign to front such movements, will be hard to exclude as they have access to the gate keepers and thus can supply leverage.

This can be seen by the manner in which ANTIFA and allied groups worm their way through all supposedly progressive political and NGO groups, making themselves shadows of, if not integral parts of the permanent government, which delights in these re-runs of the Duke of York and Sisyphus fables.

When next you visit Dublin’s O’Connell Street, gaze up at the statue of Big Jim Larkin, which depicts him in full oratorial flight. But Larkin’s heyday was in the 1907-1913 period when the horsey set starved Dublin’s families into submission, just as they would later do with the British General Strike of 1926 and the National Union of Mineworkers strike of 1984.

Although 1907, 1913, 1926 and 1984 have gone away, there are lessons there, just as there are with the Harry Potter set, for today’s crop of protesters. The Horsey set are not going to make things easy for the Harry Potters, for their mothers, for Dutch farmers or for Canadian truckers. They want them all castrated and gone. That is the first lesson, the first wake up call if you will.

The second is, despite the crocodile smiles of Canadian dictator Trudeau, Finnish floozy Malin, Kiwi World Economic Forum sidekick Jacinta Ardern and all like them, they want to turn our countries into Equatorial Guinea, where they loot the national till, whilst they prowl for new conquests and we subsist on their sufferance.

But that is not quite the way Larkin Lieutenant James Connolly saw it or, indeed, how the Benelux and French farmers now see it. Writing at the time of the 1913 lockout, Connolly praised Larkin’s syndicalism, as he thundered that “it found the labourers of Ireland on their knees, and has striven to raise them to the erect position of manhood; it found them with all the vices of slavery in their souls, and it strove to eradicate these vices and replace them with some of the virtues of free men; it found them with no other weapons of defence than the arts of the liar, the lickspittle, and the toady, and it combined them and taught them to abhor those arts and rely proudly on the defensive power of combination”.

Just as the Dutch, German, French and Belgian farmers are now also relying “proudly on the defensive power of combination”, so also are the Czechs beginning to awake from their slumber to shake off NATO’s horsey set. If the horsey set needs a lesson from history, they should recall that one in three Czechs were killed during the Wars of the Reformation and, if they do not back off, history will repeat itself and not as farce but as an unprecedented tragedy.

Western Europe is not Equatorial Guinea and nor is it Dublin, 1913. Klaus Schwab and his horsey set best take heed as the aforementioned farmers, together with huge swathes of Czechs, Spaniards and Italians, are increasingly ready for the coming tempest against “ye that have harried and held,Ye that have bullied and bribed” and it won’t be only little girls in Harry Potter scarves that will be hunting down Schwab, Ardern, Marin and the rest of NATO’s basket of deplorables.

By Declan Hayes
Source: Strategic Culture Foundation

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